Thursday, May 28, 2009

Criminal Shadows


Melissa,

I hope you are enjoying your time away. I promise to take a much needed break at some point, but there is so much happening and I wanted to share some thoughts at the table.

I have gotten news about the premature deaths of two black men I know and admire; one attended my alma mater (Adam Henry '91) and the other was my former colleague who began his academic career with me in the same department (Aime Ellis). Both of these men were wonderful, warm, funny, and well-educated; excelling in their careers and in their relationships with families and friends. They will both be missed.


The lives of these two
real black men stand in direct contrast to the fictional characters who apparently thrive on carjacking innocent victims. Reminiscent of the Susan Smith tragedy, another woman accused two black men of carjacking, abducting her and her daughter, and stuffing the two of them into the trunk of a Cadillac. This report triggered major news coverage as well as an Amber alert in our area. It turns out that the mother had stolen money and fled to Disney.

I want to talk about our national psyche, the means by which we, as a nation, criminalize black men from birth. It is no accident that either consciously or subconsciously, this woman from Pennsylvania choose two fictitious black male abductors as did her Southern counterpart, Susan Smith. One part of these stories is the anxiety and surveillance these individual accusations trigger; the other part of the story forces us to face our assumptions, stereotypes, and racist characterizations of blackness, and particularly of black manhood.


I am weary of watching our brothers, fathers, sons, husbands, friends being demonized as criminals or potential criminals. How much of our current criminal system represents a self-fulfilling prophecy? In other words, because we expect black men to become criminals, we treat young black boys as potential felons (through racial profiling and educational inequity), and then when
some of them actually do commit crimes, we justify our own racist actions by saying: "I knew that they would be thugs all along."

Melissa, you and I both live in this same small town. As we walk along the main street, I cannot count how many times I have seen an almost life-sized mugshot of a black male face on the local paper, in a report about a crime that has taken place 10-15 miles from our own community. I have yet to see the full page mug-shot of a local white drunken college student who breaks into downtown property during his inebriated state, and that is a crime that occurs regularly in this college town. I have yet to see the full page mug-shot of the white restaurant owner who stole 1.4 million dollars from his investors...another case taking place in our town.


Those faces are "absent" from the criminal enterprise, an enterprise that we assume to be black/brown and male, and increasingly black/brown and female. Why is that? In light of a financial crisis in which shady mortgage lenders (of all races) have bilked people out of billions of dollars, and shady financial investors have straight-up stolen from people's pensions plans, why is the face of a criminal, the real or imagined thug who lurks in the shadows, always a face that looks like mine?

Yolanda

Monday, May 25, 2009

MHL on Summer Break!


Dear Kitchen Table,

I am taking a blogging hiatus for about a month. There will be no new posts from me here at The Kitchen Table until after July 1.   During my month off I am traveling, writing, and vacationing.  In July I will resume blogging here at The Kitchen Table. Have a great month! 

You can continue to catch me on Twitter @harrislacewell

Melissa 

Sunday, May 24, 2009

Uncertainty


Melissa,

I love the summer reading list! I will have to add mine, if I can get it down to only a few books.

For the past few days, I have been in a whirlwind of graduation activities. I've been to luncheons, dinners, receptions, ceremonies, banquets, and everything else. Apparently, you need a lot of food to get through these events! I have met parents and grandparents, newborns and partners. I can see why politicians love commencements - there is a captive, happy, well-dressed audience who are emotionally vulnerable. I shed a few tears over some of my departing students.

I have heard some wonderfully inspiring words from colleagues and students as they reflected on this time of year, rich with so many possibilities. When I spoke at a student luncheon on Friday, my intention was to also offer some words of inspiration. But that didn't go exactly as I planned. Instead, I spoke about uncertainty. (Now I understand why I don't get invited to give more commencement talks...I should stick to happier topics!)

Beneath the beautiful dresses and freshly-cleaned suits lurked unsettled souls. Many people are still anxiously waiting to hear about jobs; some have already heard and the news wasn't good. Some are preparing to move back into their parents' house, a move they never thought they would make again. Some are just uncertain about what the future holds, whether the choices they have made are the right choices. Some are wondering if their hard work and sacrifices for a graduate degree have been in vain. So beneath the beautiful exteriors of freshly-scrubbed and newly-minted graduates, there was so much uncertainty that it was palpable to me. So I talked about it. And now I am writing about it.

I think that if there is anything good that can come out of a recession, it is to refocus our attention on those things that are truly important and valuable. I am reading lots of human interest stories of former investment bankers now teaching third grade math classes or honor students electing to major in education instead of business. But shouldn't some of our best and brightest want to pursue careers that impact our nation's future? Public service or education should not be alternate career choices, now that Wall Street is in shambles, but they have been and will always be necessary for the health of our country. Pursue these fields not because you can't get a higher paying job, but because you want to make a difference. Let the uncertainty of career paths available open up new possibilities for service.

I am reading stories about former executives who are now stay-at-home parents, negotiating the carpool lane and the soccer equipment. I pray that when, and if, they go back to their corporate lives, they will have gleaned something powerful about parenthood and the fact that most children just want more of their parents' time and love, and not all the materialistic crap we think they want. Perhaps it takes financial uncertainty to refocus our attention on lasting relationships with family and friends.

Uncertainty can be full of possibilities; it propels us to think more creatively, to dream different dreams, to focus on the tasks that most matter. Uncertainty doesn't have to be the fear of the unknown. Instead, it can be a vehicle for choosing a road or a path we never thought we would take. Or as Robert Frost says best:

Two roads diverged in a wood, and I—
I took the one less traveled by,
And that has made all the difference.

Yolanda

Friday, May 22, 2009

Summer Reading


Yolanda,

As you know, I occasionally write on Politico.com in The Arena. Today the editor of The Arena sent out an assignment I couldn't resist. He suggested that because we are entering the first official weekend of summer, we should share a summer reading list of political texts.

As professors I figured this was right up our alley. So here are some suggestions for those of you interested in some political texts this summer. I would love to know what you are reading Yolanda, and also what our guests here at TKT would suggest.

As we enter (again!) a national conversation on health care policy, I think it is worth keeping the question of racial health disparities at the center of our national concern. The shocking and persistent gaps in health outcomes from infancy to old age can inform all of us about the social and political implications of our health care choices.

There are a few texts I think are particularly powerful on this topic:

  • Harriet Washington's Medical Apartheid: The History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present
  • Byrd and Clayton's An American Health Dilemma: Race, Medicine, and Health Care in the United States
  • Schulz and Mullings' edited volume: Gender, Race, Class and Health: Intersectional Approaches
  • Dorothy Roberts' Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction and the Meaning of Liberty

One of the most interesting innovations of the Obama administration has been his purposeful inclusion of activists from the Environmental Justice movement in his administration. With appointments like Lisa Jackson in the EPA and Van Jones as special adviser, Obama is redefining "green politics." Still, many Americans don't know very much about the history of America's environmental justice movement. Here are some interesting books on the topic, some with very different perspectives.

  • Steve Lerner. Diamond: A Struggle for Environmental Justice in Louisiana's Chemical Corridor.
  • Christopher Foreman’s The Promise and Peril of Environmental Justice
  • Luke Cole and Sheila Foster’s From the Ground Up: Environmental Racism and the Rise of Environmental Justice Movement.
  • Robert Bullard’s Dumping in Dixie: Race, Class, and Environmental Quality

Anyone interested in how Obama may be thinking about class-based policy solutions to America's continuing problems of racial inequality could learn a lot from the classic trio of texts from William Julius Wilson.

  • The Declining Significance of Race: Blacks and Changing American Institutions
  • The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy
  • When Work Disappears : The World of the New Urban Poor

But given how widely criticized Wilson's conclusions have been throughout the social sciences, it is worth reading some other perspectives as well. Some worth engaging:

  • Devah Pager's Marked: Race, Crime, and Finding Work in an Era of Mass Incarceration
  • Dalton Conley's Being Black, Living in the Red: Race, Wealth, and Social Policy in America

If you have accidentally subjected yourself to the Tavis Smiley docu-drama of patriarchy, immediately read some black feminist texts to counteract the brain wash. Some of my favorites include:

  • Beverly Guy Sheftall's edited volume, Words of Fire: An Anthology of African American Feminist Thought.
  • Cathy Cohen's Boundaries of Blackness: AIDS and the Breakdown of Black Politics
  • Katie Canon's Katie's Cannon: Womanism and the Soul of the Black Community

If you always meant to read these but haven't take the time, do it this summer!

  • Zora Neale Hurston's Their Eyes Were Watching God
  • Toni Morrison's Beloved
  • James Baldwin's Go Tell it on the Mountain
  • Frantz Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth

Take just one minute to remind your self about the importance of New Orleans by reading Tom Piazza's Why New Orleans Matters. And learn something I bet you didn’t know about New Orleans by reading William Ivy Hair’s Carnival of Fury: Robert Charles and the New Orleans Race Riot of 1900.

Of course, don’t feel shy about rounding out your list with my own book, Barbershops, Bibles, and BET: Everyday Talk and Black Political Thought. (shameless plug for my ol’ book!)

Ok, let's hear from all of you. What should we be reading this summer?

Melissa

Wednesday, May 20, 2009

Something Good

Melissa,

One of my favorite sermons, both to hear and to deliver, is a meditation on the question posed in John 1:46: "Can anything good come from Nazareth?" For those of us who are Christians, this questions bears witness to the fact that Jesus came from a most unlikely place, born from the most humble origins in a backwater town. Remembering the life of Malcolm X this week reminds me that something good, even today, can come from the most unlikely places.

Malcolm X was forged and shaped in the crucible of the American penal system. The men and women in prison are considered some of the most "disposable" members of our society. Locked away in remote locations and all but forgotten (even sometimes by those they love) by the larger society, millions of Americans in jails and prisons are being punished for their criminal activities. And yet, our modern prison industrial complex has turned away from the possibilities of rehabilitation, focused only on the business of building even more prisons.

And yet, can something good emerge from the prison system as we know it today? Yes: if only it is the powerful reminder that building more prisons has nothing to do with reducing crime. You don't cure an infectious disease by simply building more hospitals.

The streets of our inner cities, where Malcolm X once hustled in Harlem and in Detroit, are full of hopeless, unemployed, undereducated, and desperate people whose poverty should shame the richest nation in the world. Add to this mix the larger society who mistakes this poverty and systematic oppression for laziness and moral bankruptcy. And yet, can something good emerge from the vast divide between the "haves" and the "have nots?" Yes: if only it is a reminder that we are our brother's keeper.

Malcolm X spent his brief lifetime speaking against the poverty, racism, and oppression that had characterized his life and those around him. He took ownership for the bad choices that he made; but he also forced the rest of America to acknowledge its culpability for the desperate lives and desperate measures of far too many African American citizens. And his message forty years ago is as relevant today as ever.

Malcolm X's life reminds me that something good can come out of even the most abject circumstances. He reminds me that the next visionary leader for our country may not be sitting in a Harvard classroom, but in a jail cell. The men and women who may have lasting solutions for our financial crisis may be hustling on the street corners. The folks who have a prophetic witness for our country may not be in the pulpits, but at the methadone clinic. These lives, in jails, on the corners, or at the clinics are valuable all by themselves. And the life of Malcolm X is a reminder that something good, something powerful happens when those who were once considered "disposable" can become indispensable.

Yolanda

Tuesday, May 19, 2009

Happy Birthday Malcolm

Dear Yolanda,

Today is the birthday of Malcolm X. Last year I wrote a piece for The Root.com honoring Malcolm. I am reprinting that piece here.

I am part of the generation -- the post civil-rights generation, post-black power generation -- that turned Malcolm X into a T-shirt and cap. He was our symbol of racial discontent and political angst. Though we did not live through the brutal repression of Jim Crow, we knew for ourselves, in our own way, the effects of racial inequality. We saw the systematic destruction of urban communities, the incarceration of our peers, the violence and drugs that ravaged our neighborhoods. We knew that even the new opportunities and unprecedented accomplishments that previous generations made possible for us were often marked by racial isolation and insults.

We met Malcolm through the prism of popular culture, and we embraced him as a commodity, to signal our own disbelief in the American dream.

On Malcolm X's birthday, those of us who embraced him as a pop icon need to encounter him again. We need to revisit Malcolm, because he has resisted all of our attempts to craft a single, well-packaged, vision of him. We need to unpack the things about him that remain elusive, difficult, messy and challenging.

We need to pause to think about him, because he left, for us, important social and political lessons.

Though Malcolm's life was short, it was marked by dramatic change. He was born into poverty, madness and racial violence. His youthful arrogance, crime and indulgence led him to jail. But prison was no end for him; through a religious and political awakening, he found freedom in the context of imprisonment. He became an organization man, an orator, a world citizen and a free thinker with a cosmopolitan vision of the world.

Malcolm displayed the capacity to learn, to grow, to discern and to change direction. It takes courage to admit that society's approach to old subjects has grown rigid and needs to evolve and change. It is hard for leaders to admit that they have been wrong in the past. His life is a reminder that greatness is not found in arrogant self-righteousness or intellectual hubris, but in the willingness to be open to our own limitations.

Malcolm also reminds us that the movement is more important than the man. He was fiercely loyal to the Honorable Elijah Muhammad, who was the conduit of his political awakening, the author of his adult manhood, the embodiment of his idea of the sacred, and his dear and beloved friend. But when Malcolm came to believe that his mentor was abusing power in a way that threatened to destroy the very principles that he embraced, he made the difficult choice to walk away from the Nation of Islam.

Many in the post-civil rights generation have yearned for their own history-defining, charismatic leader. But Malcolm's struggle to make his own authentic, political contribution reminds us that ideals are more important than personalities. Progressive political movements that engender lasting change are always bigger than the flawed human beings who lead them. The goal is to invest our energies and efforts in the movement itself rather than in blind loyalty to any single figure. Malcolm reminds us that we must always lead, even as we follow.

Many of our modern leaders live by cynical double standards. They practice slippery personal ethics, while lecturing the masses about morality. They consume conspicuously, while telling ordinary folks to save their pennies. They father children outside of marriage, then blame single mothers for the violence in black communities. They blame individuals for their circumstances, rather than help them deconstruct, understand and overcome the historical, structural, political, reasons for their plight.

Malcolm taught us better. He criticized the powerful rather than the powerless. He pointed to the pathologies of the privileged instead of the failings of the oppressed. His own story of redemption was emblematic of the possibilities available to even the most disempowered, but when he pointed to solutions, they were consistently collective.

Fulfilling his religious responsibility of Hajj, Malcolm discovered that the United States looked very different when viewed from the other side of the Atlantic. Living abroad altered his understanding of race, politics and power. Worshipping in Mecca and living in Accra, he came to understand himself and black America as part of a larger, global struggle for human rights. That sort of world view is crucially important now, in an era in which the United States' domestic and foreign policy has become woefully narrow.

Early in his public career, a young white woman approached Malcolm and asked him what role sincere white allies could have in the struggle for racial equality. He rebuffed her and told her that there was no role for whites at all. Years later, he said he regretted his response and spoke of the difficulty in building workable interracial coalitions. He remained committed to black empowerment and self-governance within African-American organizations, but toward the end of his life he also came to understand the critical importance of anti-racist efforts among white Americans. He taught us that we must acknowledge human interdependence if we hope to build enduring movements out of the fragile and complicated interests that we share.

There are so many more lessons that we might draw from Malcolm's life. He taught us the importance of naming ourselves; the importance of telling our stories honestly so that we create a historical record of our work; the importance of questioning our leaders; and the importance of knowing that the people we think are our allies may ultimately seek to destroy us. In The Autobiography of Malcolm X, Alex Haley recounts a reflection Malcolm X shared with him in the days before his assassination:

"I believe that it would be impossible to find anywhere in America a black man who has lived further down in the mud of human society than I have; or a black man who has been any more ignorant that I have been; or a black man who has suffered more anguish during his life than I have. But it is only after this deepest darkness that the greatest joy can come; it is only after slavery and prison that the sweetest appreciation of freedom can come. I do believe that I have fought the best that I could, with the shortcomings that I have had. I know that my shortcomings are many."

As we stop to reconsider Malcolm X on his birthday, we should reaffirm our own commitments to creating a more just and fair world. We should express to his spirit our gratitude, not for his perfection, but for his courage and for the lessons he imparted to us, to light the way for our struggle.

Melissa

Friday, May 15, 2009

Truth and Reconciliation

Melissa,

I have also been thinking about the complexity of the decision to release, or not to release, those series of photographs depicting Americans engaged in torture. Both your words and the comments from our readers are helping me struggle through this issue. And actually, I think it is related to comments I made during a recent seminar on reparations that was led by the brilliant sista' legal scholar, Adrienne Davis. I know that we have and we will tackle reparations again and again, here at the Kitchen Table, but let me share briefly why I think it is connected to these photographs of torture.

At the seminar, I suggested that despite the time that has passed since slavery and Jim Crow, I am convinced that what this country needs now more than ever, is a Truth and Reconciliation Commission; an actual body tasked with both the discovery and the revelation of past wrongdoing. It would be a commission that would seek the truth of this country's slave past, as well as allowing those who have been affected by the brutality of chattel slavery in this country (and who hasn't!) to come forward. Modeled in part after the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, this "truth seeking" and "fact telling" body, I believe, is still a critical step toward anti-racism work in this country.

I know that some scholars disagree with me; most offer as proof that this "truth telling" work has already been done, the volumes of data, history, text books, and such, that powerfully document slavery and Jim Crow. My own scholarly research is in this area, so I know that there has been some outstanding work that has been done and more is currently underway.

And yet, when I look at the DC inner-city school system or the crumbling infrastructure of the South Bronx or the continued existence of forms of share-cropping in Alabama, I see 300 years of slavery, Jim Crow, and "separate but unequal." And I am convinced, as an educator, that the full story, the whole truth has yet to be told...both individual stories as well as collective history. Because if the full truth is known to all, how can we continue the contemporary chain gang or the prison industrial complex? Because if there has really been full disclosure, how can we explain away the high black infant mortality rate? I don't believe that we can have reconciliation or reparations without the important work of "truth" preceding it.

So, I want the full story of the use of torture by American agents. I want to know the whole truth of people's involvement. I do not want American citizens, generations after the fact, still uncovering evidence of the horrific and unimaginable crimes done in the name of our republic - the ways in which we are still uncovering that evidence from slavery, or from the forced removal of American Indians, or any other such national atrocity. I do not believe that the horror of contemporary torture will ever flee until we shine the complete light of truth on it.

Melissa, one of my favorite novels is Corregidora by Lexington novelist Gayl Jones. This book, while fictional, is not for the faint of heart. It details a contemporary black family that is descended from a Portuguese slave holder in Brazil (where, in fact, chattel slavery did not end until 1888). The heroine of the novel is charged by her great-grandmother to "never forget" the brutality this family suffered under slavery...because all the records had been destroyed. Records from their lives, from their "owners," or even records of their very existence had been deliberately destroyed. And so now, their memories and their stories were all they had. When records are destroyed, testimony can be easily dismissed. This novel forces us to ask how in a culture that privileges the written word, the "evidence" of the records, can we trust the stories and the remembrances of four generations of women?

Records of torture, in whatever form, need to come to light because history teaches us that unless it does, it is all too easy to destroy the evidence of its very existence. Witnesses die and memories fade. Let the records tell the story when other means (or people) can be silenced. I believe that truth, even when it is tough and brutal, is always to be preferred over covert attempts to hide that truth. What is done in the darkness will always come to light, so the fact that these photographs exist means that people have already seen them. Instead of allowing them to leak, bit by bit, into the American imagination, release them and own up to our culpability and responsibility. First truth, followed by genuine repentance, and then reconciliation.

Yolanda

Thursday, May 14, 2009

Torture Photos

Yolanda,

President Obama seems to be struggling about whether or not to make public a series of photographs depicting Americans engaged in torture. 

The President is taking heat from all sides on this one.  His initial position to release the photos was consistent with his insistence on government transparency and public accountability.  He changed his mind after conferring with military leaders who worried that the inflammatory photos could compromise the safety of our troops still engaged abroad.  This is a tough issue for me because I have a deep sense of the political power of photographs and have seen them used for both for and against progressive causes. 

Perhaps the most powerful torture photograph in our nation's history is the image of the lynched and brutalized Emmett Till.  Till was a 14-year-old Chicago boy who went to Mississippi to visit family in the summer of 1955.  There he was accused of whistling at a white woman. For that supposed infraction he was dragged from his family's home, brutally tortured, murdered, and discarded like trash.  In many ways Till's story was more ordinary than exceptional, because black men, women, and children had been victimized and tortured by their fellow Americans for decades.  Jim Crow's vicious, racial code was policed by vigilantes given carte blanche to impose the death penalty when they saw fit.  

What made Till's murder unique was the decision to publish the photographs of his mangled body.  Till's mother did something so courageous that it still inspires awe.  She held an open casket funeral for her son and allowed  Jet magazine to publish photographs of his brutalized body. There was controversy at the time about her decision, but, those photographs of the mutilated boy galvanized a nascent movement for equal rights and launched the contemporary Civil Rights Movement. 

Till's example makes me want those torture photographs in print immediately.  I believe they may have a deep power to force us to face the horror of what has been done by our country and in our names. 

But I know something else about the political power of photographs. 

As a reproductive rights advocate I have been a volunteer who "walked the gauntlet" with women seeking abortions in southern, women's health clinics. In the early 1990s, when I was in college, "pro-life" supporters would often stand within a few feet of clinics shouting ugly and hateful epithets at patients. Volunteers like me went with these women to hold their hands, and shield their faces as they navigated the protesters. Many of the protesters did more than shout. The also held huge, larger-than-life photographs of terminated pregnancies. The images were ghoulish, frightening, and unrepresentative of the vast majority of abortions, but they are not, strictly speaking, inaccurate.  Certainly anti-choice advocates believed that their photographs of horror could and should immediately stop a practice that they defined as evil and torturous. While I can see their side, I found the protests unduly upsetting for women already facing painful, difficult, and deeply personal decisions. 

The photographs may have been true, but I believed that revealing them did far more harm than good. 

Thus I find myself in an unsatisfying gray area with respect to the current torture photos. I generally support President Obama's decision not to aggressively pursue prosecution of the government officials or lawyers implicated by the torture memos.  I derive that position from a belief that truth and reconciliation is the best model for the U.S. to follow on this issue. I believe that revealing information and understanding what happened is the most important task we should engage in with relation to torture. I don't want Cheney in jail, but I want him to have to tell the truth -live- on TV- repeatedly.  Consistent with that commitment, I believe we should release the photos and simply cope with the political, moral, and national pain that may follow. 

On the other hand our sons and daughters are still overseas.  We have not fulfilled the promise to bring them home. Until we do so we have to protect them as best we can from our places of relative privilege here in the United States. I strongly believe that no good is served if even one of  our soldiers is abused in retribution for our failings or as a result of our moral self-righteousness.

I am really, truly, open on this topic. I want to hear more from our readers.  What  is the right course of action on the torture photos?

Melissa 

Wednesday, May 13, 2009

Notre Dame Protests


Melissa,

I love this time of year. Next week, I will attend my institution's baccalaureate and commencement ceremonies and watch as dozens of students that I have taught this year, receive their degree. For those graduating, it is a culmination of hard work, sacrifice, and years of study. For those of us who are faculty members, commencement is both sentimental and sobering. So, as far as life ceremonies and rituals, graduation from college or graduate school ranks pretty high on the list. And because of that, I can truly understand, even though I disagree with, the various students, staff, and faculty members at Notre Dame who are angry that President Obama will be the commencement speaker speaker at their graduation on Sunday.

Notre Dame is the nation's largest Roman Catholic university, and for some members of this community, inviting a pro-choice president to speak at commencement is an insult to values they hold extremely dear. The president's support for both reproductive rights and stem-cell research is at the heart of the Notre Dame protests; 74 bishops and 36, 000 Catholics have signed a petition and have publicly called for President Obama to be "disinvited."

Now Melissa, I think that any community has a right to decide whatever standards or criteria they would like to use in order to invite speakers. And I support healthy protest of administrative decisions made on behalf of students, faculty, or staff. But there are two pieces of this situation that profoundly disturbs me: former President Bush also gave the commencement address at Notre Dame during his first year of office, despite being a pro-death penalty advocate and a former governor of a state where he personally presided over dozens of state-sanctioned executions. The Roman Catholic church opposes abortion and the death penalty on the same grounds: sanctity of life. Bush's visit to Notre Dame was celebrated. Why is Obama's visit provoking such rancor?

But the piece that has disturbed me most profoundly is the accusation from Archbishop Raymond Burke, who is protesting President Obama's visit to Notre Dame on the grounds that the president is "anti-life" and "anti-family." This accusation is just plain wrong. The issues of "life" are not simply about reproduction, nor are issues of "family" only about DNA.

Adequate health care is a "life" issue; unemployment benefits are a "family" issue. Repairing our broken economy, downsizing our troops in Iraq, speaking emphatically against torture, calling the credit card industry to accountability, and re-tooling the home mortgage industries are all examples of life and family issues that daily affect all Americans. Through his advocacy for all these issues and more, President Obama demonstrates his commitment to improving the quality of life for all American families.

Notre Dame issued this invitation; they could have chosen any speaker, but they choose President Obama. So if there are any regrets and protests, they should be leveled squarely at the leadership that made this decision. Obviously, there are many at Notre Dame who welcomed the idea of President Obama addressing the graduating class - knowing quite well his support for reproductive rights and stem-cell research.

I would like to think that this debate would foster healthy protest, about abortion or stem-cell research, or even the death penalty. But that healthy debate cannot happen if only one side truly believes that they, and they alone, care about "life" and "family." One member of the Notre Dame community, in protest of Obama's visit, said that she was disappointed in President Obama's pro-life policies and his failure to defend the "dignity of human life." I imagine that the family whose unemployment benefits have been extended, thus allowing them to feed, clothe, and shelter their children, know that the "dignity of human" life extends long beyond conception.

Yolanda

Monday, May 11, 2009

Share Graduation Gift Ideas


Dear Yolanda,

It is the season of pomp and circumstance. I love graduation ceremonies. They are one of my favorite parts of the job of being a professor. Many of us have several young people, from high school to Ph.D., who are graduating in the next several weeks.  Here are a few suggestions of gifts for the graduates.

High school graduates going off to college need books. Many scholarships do not cover the considerable expenses of books.  Many colleges offer gift certificates to their campus bookstores, offer the option to deposit funds into an account for the student, or offer online payment options. Call the campus textbook store and find out how you can ensure that your student doesn’t have any excuses for not completing the reading on the first day of class.

Is someone getting her Ph.D.? Get her a gift certificate to see a dentist! My bet is that she hasn’t had a good professional polishing for seven years.  The campus health care plans rarely cover dental.

Need an inexpensive, but inspirational gift for your college graduate?  I know that many like to give Dr. Seuss’ Oh! The Places You’ll Go. It is a classic, but I prefer Toni Morrison’s The Big Box. It is a children’s story, but it has an important message reminding young people to resist conformity and make their own way.

If your high school graduate is going to a college far from home consider a travel gift.  Get a prepaid gas card with enough cash to get them home on a weekend. Or buy an open airline ticket between the college and hometown airports.  Sometimes a bad grade or unexpected heartbreak makes a young person want to get home right away. Your gift can make this possible.

If your friend is getting a Ph.D. think about buying his academic robes for him. The robes are expensive so go in with some friends to buy them, but they make a great gift for a young professor who will use them a million times in his career.

College graduates deserve special moments of recognition. If you live in a small town, pitch a human-interest story about your graduate to your local paper. She’ll enjoy having an in-print reminder of her achievement. If you are in a larger market, try writing about your graduate on a blog, your Facebook page, or just on your friends-and-family email list.  There is something great about having someone recognize your accomplishments in print.

Send high school graduates off to college with a care package of dental floss, cheap flip-flops, and condoms.  Seriously.

Get your Ph.D. recipient a new futon cover.  That futon is going to be in their adult home for the next 25 years. It might as well have a fresh cover.

Ok, Kitchen Table, these are just a few ideas.  I really want to hear from you. What should we get for our new medical school graduates? And what about for lawyers?  Do you know what students coming out of business school need (other than jobs)?

Please let us know your ideas and suggestons: silly or serious.

 Melissa  

Sunday, May 10, 2009

Mother's Day Prayer


Yolanda,

On Mother's Day I had the opportunity to preach at the Unitarian Universalist Congregation of Princeton. Here is the prayer I offered. 

This morning we pray to for the mothering instinct in all of us, men and women, those with children and those without. We come together to honor the part of us that is motivated by love, governed by commitment, and prepared to believe in the impossible.

This morning we hold in our hearts all the mothers who made the loving choice to place their children for adoption and who think of them every year on this day. And we pray for all the moms who opened their hearts and gave those children homes.

This morning we hold in our hearts all the mothers who are incarcerated and who worry for their children's safety every day.  And we pray for all the moms whose sons and daughters are behind bars and far from their loving arms.

This morning we hold in our hearts all the mothers still fighting in our nation’s foreign wars and waiting on us to fulfill our promise to bring them home. And we pray for all the moms whose children are still on those battlefields.

This morning we hold in our hearts all the white mothers raising proud, independent, self-loving children of color.  And we pray for all the Latina mothers protecting their children from vicious stereotypes and for all the black mothers making a way out of no way. And we pray for all moms, of all races, whose children are teaching them to be more racially tolerant.

This morning we hold in our hearts all the mothers who embrace their lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgendered children without hesitation or regret. And we pray for those moms who are still struggling.

We are grateful for mothers who are patient and those who lose their tempers. We pray for those who raise the children they bore and for those who have mothered us as teachers, friends, sisters, and companions. We are grateful for kind mothers and for gruff ones. We embrace our living mothers and mourn our mothers who have passed on before us.

We make room in our hearts for mothers who were cruel, rejecting, cold, and distant; and for those who smothered, coddled, and wouldn't let go.  

Finally, we pray for all the children of the world. Because each of those children needs us to be mothers and fathers as we make policy that impacts their lives. 

Amen and Ashe.

Melissa 

The photo at the top of the post is of my mother, my daughter,  and me. 

Saturday, May 9, 2009

Motherhood and Loss


Melissa,

Happy Mother's Day to you and to all our Kitchen Table readers! In anticipation of tomorrow, I have been chatting with and emailing wonderful family members and friends all over the country. This afternoon, I watched big kids and little kids buy cards, flowers, and candy to celebrate the mothers in their lives. On the surface, what could be more simple than a day set aside to honor and cherish motherhood? Every second Sunday in May, we pause to say "thanks" to mothers. And that is an honor well deserved. And yet, for some of us, Mother's Day is a complicated mixture of joy and happiness, but also grief and loss.

For those of us who have lost mothers or grandmothers much, much too soon, Mother's Day is a time of remembering, but also for grieving. The loss of a mother leaves a hole in your life that time never heals. And so this holiday reminds you that you are a "motherless child" and that you do indeed feel "a long way from home" because of that loss, even as an adult. And for those of us who are motherless daughters, the loss of that special female bond is irreplaceable. There is no greeting card to capture both this powerful sense of loss, but also the profound wellspring of memories.

And there are others who are motherless because of abandonment, forced separation, or general estrangement; people for whom a relationship with a mother is extremely complicated for a wide variety of reasons. Not every mother is a loving mother; not every mother has made good choices for her children. Not every parent and child relationship can be summed up by a Hallmark greeting card or a jewelry commercial. So how do you celebrate an occasion with cards, flowers, and candy when you are working through anger, despair, or grief?

So Melissa, I wanted to pause for a moment, even in this weekend of celebration, to reflect on loss, because all of our lives are shaped by it. We find it difficult to talk about, even though it is a common denominator that binds us across race, creed, color, gender, class, political affiliation, and sexual orientation. I am a motherless daughter and the loss of my mother has shaped me in profound ways; grief and loss mold us in ways seen and unseen. This loss has left a void in my life that nothing has ever filled. But it has also helped me to recognize parenting as an incredible gift, thus allowing me to cherish every single second I have with my own daughter.

Tomorrow, I will reflect on the memory of my own mother and also embrace my own identity as a mother. I pray that we will celebrate all the mothers in our lives; grandmothers and aunties, "play" mothers and godmothers; church mothers and neighborhood mothers. Let us celebrate the biological ties of motherhood, but let us also celebrate the power of love and nurturing from all the women in our lives, even those women with whom we share no blood ties. Celebrate all the women who were not allowed to mother; celebrate all the women who simply couldn't be mothers. Celebrate the women who made the courageous decision to give their children to families who could care for them; celebrate the women who, when left and abandoned, made a way out of no way for their children. Celebrate all the complications of motherhood...even loss.

Yolanda

Friday, May 8, 2009

Must It Be A Woman?


Melissa,

In various media outlets, this question is being posed concerning the upcoming Supreme Court nominee: "must it be a woman?" As I understand it, the question is two-fold in nature. Must President Obama nominate a woman to replace the departing Justice, David Souter, especially with an eye toward the possibility of the retirement of Justice Ginsburg? The second part of the question seems to be: should not the most qualified person, who may or may not be a woman, be nominated for the open spot? So that instead of an "affirmative action" choice in seeking a female nominee, President Obama should be looking to fill the vacancy with the "most qualified candidate." Both parts of this two-fold question are problematic to me and I want to explain why.

I've been thinking about the question of "must it be a woman" all week and I've concluded that this is the not the question I wish we were debating nationally. Instead, I pose this alternate question: "does it make sense that the composition of the highest judicial body in all the United States includes 8 men and only one woman?" In other words, does gender matter both in this particular debate and in the full scope of political and judicial leadership in our country? Can the Supreme Court fully discharge its duty as the "supreme arbiter of the Constitution" without a more balanced representation of one half of the population of this country that (belatedly) are full citizens? And while I want to talk explicitly about gender, it goes without saying that all matters of diversity are important within this debate.

So, must it be a woman? I think it matters a great deal, for instance, that only 17 of the 100 U.S. Senators are women (and 13 of those women were appointed, not elected). As an academic, I think it matters a great deal to students, staff, and faculty when women occupy high-ranking administrative positions in colleges and universities. Whether in the Senate, in the corporate boardroom, or at the head of a classroom, women should be both present at the table and a significant part of the leadership structure. Questions of reproductive choices, child care, equal opportunity, gender discrimination, and equal pay for equal work, should NOT be the domain of women alone. But I am highly skeptical when important decisions being made about those issues lack input from the very people who are most impacted by these decisions.

As I've argued before here at the Kitchen Table, the very act of deliberately bringing different people together will produce vastly different results than our current practice of bringing together the same people from the same places. I am under no illusion that any woman potentially appointed to fill Souter's vacancy can speak for all women, nor do I think that many of the potential nominees see themselves as advocates for women's issues. But I am suggesting that any American woman who has had to navigate the difficulties of college, law school, clerkships, a local or federal judicial appointment, and years on the bench, brings to the table a different set of experiences about how the legal system functions. To the question of "must it be a woman," I answer with an emphatic "no!" For any upcoming vacancies, we should be looking to appoint several women!

Melissa, I love your recommendation of Kimberle Crenshaw. Like you, reading her work has helped to define my own place as a black feminist. She is our preeminent sista' legal scholar. But I have to give some love to a rumored potential nominee, Sonia Sotomayor, our Latina sister from New York City. Providentially, I am writing this post from the Trustees Reading Room at Firestone and I am looking at Sotomayor's name, engraved on the wall.

Sotomayor was born and raised by her widowed mother in a Bronx, New York housing project. She is a graduate of Princeton and Yale Law. After a stint in private practice, she returned to public law and became one of the youngest judges ever appointed to the Southern District of New York. She was the first Puerto Rican ever appointed to the federal bench in New York City. Sotomayor taught for 9 years at NYU Law and Columbia Law and has been a mentor to attorneys and students, including members of the Puerto Rican and Hispanic Bar Association.

I admit my biases: Sotomayor is a hometown New York City girl and she graduated from my alma mater. You can check out this video of her incredible life story. Everything that I have read about her career has impressed me, including her integrity and commitment to the law. And the glaring absence of a Latino/a Justice from the Supreme Court needs to be rectified. Obviously, there are other women under consideration, including Elena Kagan (another Princeton alumna) and Leah Ward Spears (the first African American woman to serve on Georgia Superior Court). So this is my question: with this slate of impressive women, can we continue to allow the Supreme Court to be dominated by the voices of 8 men?

Yolanda

Thursday, May 7, 2009

Empathy



Yolanda, 

As I have discussed here at TKT, President Barack Obama will soon fill a vacancy on the Supreme Court.  Last week he indicated that he would seek a judge with empathy.  Some members of the GOP have jumped on the word "empathy" as liberal code for "judicial activism" (which is a code phrase itself!) 

So today in The Arena on Politico.com were were asked to weigh in on the issue of empathy.  I would like to share my response with our readers here at TKT.

Empathy is the foundational political emotion of a diverse, democratic society

It is empathy that allows us to create a cohesive national identity rooted in something beyond militarism. We are citizens of a state to the extent that we live within defined geographic boundaries. But the writings of Benedict Anderson reveal that we are participants in a nation only to the extent that we imagine ourselves to be part of a community or a "people." Empathy is an important part of what allows us to engage in that imagined sense of linked fate, shared identity, and common purpose. Without empathy we cannot enter into a social contract whereby we are willing to subjugate some of our selfish impulses in order to abide by the rule of law and the dictates of a civil society. 

Empathy has also been our country's critical mechanism for social change, justice, and expansion of democratic participation. Consider for a moment the Civil Rights Movement. My colleague, Taeku Lee, convincingly demonstrates that the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act was catalyzed by the empathy that emerged after Bloody Sunday in Selma, Alabama. Lee shows that the televised violence against peaceful civil rights demonstrators caused a flood of letters to he White House. Those letters expressed empathetic outrage about the violence and demanded policy remedies. 

Given the powerful political purposes of empathy it is distressing to hear an attack on empathy emanating from the Right. It is also bizarre to find that attack centered among many who represent the "Christian," "family values, " and "morals voters" wing of the GOP. After all, the Bible is clear that Jesus Christ was, first and foremost, concerned with the power of empathy. When challenged as to what is the greatest commandment Jesus responded "'Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your mind. This is the first and greatest commandment. And the second is like it: 'Love your neighbor as yourself. (Matthew 22: 37-39) Thus, at the very center of Christian history and theology is an imperative toward empathetic conduct toward our fellow man.

The golden rule of empathy and reciprocity extends far beyond a Christian context and is the unifying thread of theological commitment that binds all world religions. The Dali Lama teaches, "Every religion emphasizes human improvement, love, respect for others, sharing other people's suffering. On these lines every religion has more or less the same viewpoint and the same goal."

To twist empathy into a slur for political purposes undermines the foundational principles of religious, civil, and political life in the modern world. We cannot allow it. 

During his campaign Barack Obama was fond of asserting that the arc of history is long but that it bends toward justice. To the extent that he is correct, we must credit empathy for reaching forth the powerful hand that bends history's arc toward more just ends.

Melissa 

Wednesday, May 6, 2009

Our Kenyan Sisters


Melissa,

You and I are both deep into the end of the semester's responsibilities...our actual day jobs that pay the bills. But I have to come up for air and just talk a little about our sisters in Kenya, particularly the women of the G10, a Kenyan national women's movement. This coalition of various grassroots organizations in Kenya is driven by a mission to empower women in politics, by giving voice to women's social and economic concerns and redefining what "political space" means in Kenya. And our dear sisters have just ended a
7 day long boycott that began on April 29th: it was a sex strike.

To protest the politics of their bickering leaders, to compel them to do something instead of just arguing, a group of women in Kenya (including the wife of the prime minister,
Ida Odinga) withheld sex from their husbands as an act of protest. By striking, these women resolved to draw attention to brutal national politics, stalled government reforms, sexual violence, and other causes. In addition to boycotting sex for a week, the women of the G10 also offered to pay local prostitutes to refrain from having sex with the local men. The women in these grassroots organization have made it clear that this sex strike is not about punishing men, but about getting them to focus on the political and economic issues at stake, as well for these men to take seriously women's agency and political power.

Now Melissa, you know that there are many places I could potentially go with this information (we have got to have lunch next week), but let me offer these thoughts: sex strikes are nothing new. Women, individually, have used this as a negotiating tactic since the beginning of time. But is it different when a collective group of women use a sex strike as a particular means of bargaining? Does this action symbolically reduce women to sex objects? Or does it reveal that women have a collective strength in a very particular form of female power? Why is it the assumption that it is the men who suffer because sex is being withheld? Or are we forced to think about the differences between male and female sexual control (i.e. Eliot Spitzer or Kwame Kilpatrick)? Can a sex boycott be an effective means of non-violence resistance, especially for a protest that is, in part, about the prevalence of sexual violence? Can sex change the political landscape of any country?

Melissa, when I first read this story, I had to laugh. I wanted to tell my Kenyan sisters, "good luck with that," while shaking my head in disbelief that a week-long sex boycott would accomplish anything of note. But over the past few days, I'm thinking about the broader implications. Sex, sexuality, sexual orientation, gender, and romantic relationships find their way into the political process all the time. Sexual activity has humbled many and has literally changed the course of government and politics (think former president Bill Clinton). In today's news, Elizabeth Edwards is publicly bemoaning her husband's affair while he was on the campaign trail, and the Italian Prime Minister, Silvio Berlusconi, is calling for a public apology from his wife who has accused him of having an affair.

So while I am still skeptical about a sex strike, no one can deny the power of sex in its potential to change the political landscape around us. I'm thinking about how our Kenyan sisters are using all the tools in their arsenal to draw attention the issues of violence and poverty and hunger - issues that dispropotionately affect women. And I feel a powerful solidarity with their causes. So I'd love to hear from our Kitchen Table readers: can a sex strike potentially change the political climate of a particular community? Can collective abstinence work where personal indulgence has failed?

Yolanda

Monday, May 4, 2009

Kimberle Crenshaw and the Power of Ideas


video

Dear Yolanda,

Kimberle Crenshaw is the reason I am a black feminist. 


Crenshaw is a powerhouse black woman law professor. She is our preeminent sister legal scholar.  For many years she held joint appointments at Columbia Law School and UCLA Law.I have no idea how she managed such a feat, but I am thankful that she did, because she tilled ground and planted seeds of critical race feminism on both coasts.  

It was from that fertile ground that my own black feminist sensibilities grew. The link between is not a direct one. I never took a course with Kim Crenshaw. While we share a wide network of colleagues, I have never even met her.  So it is not as though she directly taught me black feminism, but  it was Kim Crenshaw's contribution to the public and academic discourse which ultimately shaped the world in which I was educated.  It was Kimberle Crenshaw's writing that made intersectionality meaningful for me.

I'd read the work of white European and American feminist writers as a women's studies-focused English major in college. But while many of those writers meant a great deal to me personally, their work lacked an immediacy and relevancy for the political questions that engaged me as a young thinker.  I had similar reactions to the work of nationalist, black male writers who touched the topics I cared about but somehow seemed to always tell their stories in ways that left out or degraded women.

I remember distinctly when I first read Crenshaw's Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence Against Women of Color. The work impacted me profoundly and immediately because it gave voice, critical analysis, and a policy framework to my long abiding discomfort with the inadequacies of "color-blind" feminism and "gender neutral" race politics. Crenshaw's lens on the politics of law and its power in shaping the material lives of women of color was an intellectual ah-ha! moment from which I have never recovered. I continue to grope toward a greater understanding of how race, gender, class, sexual identity, and all manner of dis-privilege constrain and shape the experience of American citizenship.  

It is Crenshaw's lasting and continuing influence on the world of ideas that prompted me to start a Facebook page and a Twitter RT request in the middle of the night.  It is not simply because Crenshaw is a black woman. That is too low a hurdle to have to clear for the Supreme Court! It is not because I think she is the single, best qualified candidate for the position. I think there are many interesting possibilities on the Obama short list.  And it is certainly not because I believe Crenshaw is a likely nominee. Instead, I want Crenshaw's name in circulation because her ideas matter

The nomination of a Supreme Court justice is a great time to have public discussion about the Constitution and about the expectations citizens have of the state. It is a great time for reassessing our collective sense of fairness, equality, and the big issues that frame how we share our nation together.  I want Kimberle Crenshaw's ideas to be part of that conversation because I believe no one more forthrightly, honestly, or intelligently discusses the complex intersection of race and gender and its influence on American law. 

I am a teacher.  Teaching is what I love most.  When I have a tough week full of hate mail I wonder why I bother with TV and public writing (which I do for free).  But the answer is always the same: I believe ideas matter and I feel privileged that my ideas have a chance to circulate in the broader realm.  I am certainly not always right, but I do love having a chance to clash one idea against another and see what happens. I love being in classrooms with students who push, poke, and prod me on ideas.  I love reading a book or article that contains an idea I've never previously encountered. I truly believe that ideas matter. 

When you and I started this blog conversation it was with a deep commitment to ideas. We believe that The Kitchen Table is a place to share our ideas and encourage our guests to share theirs.

I want Kimberle Crenshaw at the center of of public conversation because her mapping of the margins is a powerful contribution to the world of ideas.  Imagine the world we might have if we all took a few moments to engage her ideas.

Melissa